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More for the
Baloch
24/10/2008 ; dawn.com/
WHILE the debate over which should come first in Balochistan, development or
peace, is a never-ending one, no progress can be made on either unless a
well-thought-out strategy is put into action. Considering that this has not
happened over several decades of simmering Baloch discontent, President
Zardari’s pledge to restore peace in the troubled province and make it
secure for exploring energy resources seems too good to be true. Similar
promises have been made time and again but military action, human rights
abuses and the utter failure to improve socio-economic conditions have
rendered them worthless.
Today Baloch militants may have decided to suspend anti-state activities
(although the Dera Bugti bomb blast last Sunday gives a different
impression), but it will be difficult to sustain the peace unless sweeping
measures are taken to deliver on promises made to the Baloch by different
governments. Balochistan is a mineral-rich province and its gas fields are
crucial to sustaining Pakistan’s energy requirements. Conversely, it is the
poorest in terms of human development; no surprise here as the province has
a small share even in its own earnings with the centre delaying the payment
of billions of rupees in gas royalties.
President Zardari’s words must be matched with actions if it is really the
intent of this government to transform the province, and the first goal in
this regard must be to win over the people’s trust. At present, the
government’s policies and the military’s excesses that have caused so many
to ‘disappear’, to be killed, to be rendered homeless, have alienated
thousands of Baloch civilians. Moreover, a large number of them believe that
development projects such as the Gwadar Port aim to bring in outside labour
that would not only deprive the local people of employment opportunities but
also change the demographic composition of the area. In these circumstances
it is all too natural for separatist emotions to arise from the ashes of
slain leaders and broken promises. To nip these in the bud — although in
numerous cases such feelings have already assumed full-blown proportions — a
greater measure of provincial autonomy and equitable resource-sharing must
be given top priority. The marginalised Baloch must be brought into the
national mainstream and made to feel their worth in society and given their
rightful due in monetary and political terms. The government has enough on
its hands with the Taliban menace. It cannot afford further violence that
threatens the state’s integrity.
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Bombardment of
Balochistan, Iran, on 11, 12, 13 October 08 by Iranian forces
By Reza Hossein Borr ; 24/10/2008 ;
balochwarna.com/
After visiting his uncle, Nader Baloch began
walking towards his home. He saw a huge smoke and fire was coming from the
neighborhood where he lived with his parents. As he moved closer he realised
that the smoke was coming from his own home. A large number of people
gathered in the neighborhood. The Iranian security forces had surrounded his
home to arrest his brother but since they found the iron door locked, the
security forces climbed over the roof and poured few gallons of oil from the
chimney in the main room and set fire on it. His parents, sisters and
brothers were there when it was set on fire. All of them were burned to
death as if they were in hell.
Some of the people, who knew the family, took Nader away to comfort him. He
was 17 years old at that time. He took the death of his parents and sisters
and brothers with considerable grace and dignity. While he was shaking
quietly he watched his home and his family burning. When it was all over,
one of his relatives took him to his own home and kept him there for few
nights. Everything he had was gone. Nothing left except a burnt home and a
burning desire to take revenge.
He left after a few days to find the People's Resistance Movement of Iran.
He joined them without hesitation. He participated in as many military
training as he could get. What he had seen when his family was burnt and
when he watched several members of his tribe who were hanged in the main
streets of the city, made him a person of Iron will.
His older brother was a university student. His parents worked very hard to
pay for his tuition and expenses. One day he was summoned to university
security department. He was accused of participating in printing and
distributing a statement which revealed discrimination against Baloch
students. He asserted that there were institutionalized discrimination
against Baloch students and then referred to the official statistics of
universities which demonstrated that there were less than 2000 Baloch
students in the province of Baluchistan while there were 73,000 students in
its universities. He said the majority of the Baloch children were not
allowed to go to universities and the government deliberately brought
students from other provinces into Baluchistan. This statement was enough to
fire him from the university.
He protested against his dismissal. He wrote letters of complaint to the
governor and all other high officials of the country. He believed that he
can get back his university seat by civil campaign. His letters to high
officials were referred to the security forces for examination. The security
forces forged some accusations against him that he was a member of armed
groups. They attacked his home to arrest him. This was how Nader's brother
was burnt to death.
Nader's case is a typical case of thousands of Baloch people. They get
discriminated against and when they protest they will be accused of being
members of gangs of drug traffickers or armed groups. Whoever has raised his
voice against any government official in Baluchistan has been accused of
being a member of a rebel group or drug trafficking gang.
Yaqoub Mehrnehad who was the first weblog writer in Iran that was executed
by the Islamic Republic of Iran was the leader of a civil society
association in Balochistan. He was a great supporter of civil and peaceful
campaigning. He encouraged armed groups to throw away their weapons and join
the Iranian civil society. He was arrested and executed few months ago. The
dissidents in Baluchistan have been executed after being falsely accused of
drug trafficking or armed robbery. All of them have showed symptoms of
severe torture.
It was in such circumstances that the People's Resistance Movement of Iran,
Jondollah, began its armed struggle few years ago. The relatives of the most
of the members were victimized by the Islamic Republic of Iran on fabricated
charges and executed in public. Now this organization is the leading rebel
group in Baluchistan seeking the rights of the Baloch and all Iranians in a
democratic system. It is well organised and extremely disciplined. It has
carried out successfully several armed attack on the Iranian security
forces. Its attacks have been 100% successful. There is no another guerilla
group with such high level of success. There has never been.
One group of its military wing was on their way to a mission when they
suddenly came face-to-face with a large number of security forces on 11
October 08. As Nowrouzi, the spokesman of the Iranian security forces,
announced a full war began between the two sides which continued for three
days. The security forces who realised they were fighting very skilful
fighters demanded support and hundreds of revolutionary guards were sent to
the conflict zone between Zahedan and Kerman. Kobra helicopters of
revolutionary guards were immediately summoned to bombard the area. Dozens
of villages were destroyed. Thousands of sheep, cows, camels and goats were
killed. A large number of people who lived in the area left their homes and
escaped. Dozens of them were killed.
The war between the two sides ended after three days. People's Resistance
Movement of Iran claimed that 100 members of the security forces have been
killed. They also claimed that they shot down one helicopter. The following
picture indicates the credibility of their claim.
They also announced that four members of their group have been keen killed.
The security forces tried to black out the news about the event. After a few
days they announced that there was a major armed clash with Baloch forces
and released the pictures of four members of the PRMI, Jondollah, that were
killed. They are believed to be among top military commanders. The pictures
clearly showed that they have been ruthlessly killed. There were ropes
around their necks and it was clear that they have been drugged around by
cars. It was not clear whether they were drugged before or after they were
killed.
There have been many cases in the past where the security forces tied up
Baloch young men at the back of their cars and drugged them in the main
roads and streets of different cities to create maximum fear among the
public. One such case created a huge revolt in Sarawan few years ago in
which dozens of people were killed and dozens disappeared.
The bombardment of the area was conducted so ruthlessly that a large part of
the region was burned completely. These pictures clearly show the fire of
bombardment has destroyed everything in its vicinity.
* Reza Hossein Borr is an
NLP Master Trainer and a leadership consultant and the creator of 150 CDs
and 14 Change management models. He is also the author of Manual Success,
Manual of Coaching and Mentoring, Motivational Stories that Can Change Your
Life, and a New Vision for the Islamic World.
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Stopping A Nuclear
Tehran
By Daniel R. Coats and Charles S. Robb ; October 23, 2008;
washingtonpost.com/
It is likely that the first and most pressing
national security issue the next president will face is the growing prospect
of a nuclear-weapons-capable Iran. After co-chairing a recently concluded,
high-level task force on Iranian nuclear development, we have come to
believe that five principles must serve as the foundation of any reasonable,
bipartisan and comprehensive Iranian policy.
First, an Islamic Republic of Iran with nuclear weapons capability would be
strategically untenable. It would threaten U.S. national security, regional
peace and stability, energy security, the efficacy of multilateralism, and
the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) regime. While a nuclear attack is the
worst-case scenario, Iran would not need to employ a nuclear arsenal to
threaten U.S. interests.
Simply obtaining the ability to quickly assemble a nuclear weapon would
effectively give Iran a nuclear deterrent and drastically multiply its
influence in Iraq and the region. While we would welcome cooperation from a
democratic Iran, allowing the Middle East to fall under the dominance of a
radical clerical regime that supports terrorism should not be considered a
viable option.
Second, we believe the only acceptable end
state is the complete cessation of enrichment activities inside Iran. We
foresee no combination of international inspections or co-ownership of
enrichment facilities that would provide sufficient assurances that Iran is
not producing weapons-grade fissile material.
Indeed, the enrichment facility at Natanz is already technically capable --
once Iran has a sufficient stockpile of low-enriched uranium -- of producing
enough highly enriched uranium for a nuclear device in four weeks. That is
more than fast enough to elude detection by international inspectors.
Furthermore, the U.N. Security Council on three occasions has called for the
cessation of enrichment in Iran, and the International Atomic Energy Agency
found Iran to be noncompliant with the NPT. The failure to enforce these
mandates could be a fatal blow to the fragile international regime.
Third, while a diplomatic resolution is still possible, it can succeed only
if we negotiate from a position of strength. This will require better
coordination with our international partners and much stricter sanctions.
Negotiations with Iran would probably be ineffective unless our European
allies sever commercial relations with Tehran.
In addition to constructing alliances, it will be important to build
leverage. Much could be done to strengthen U.S. financial sanctions --
whether by closing loopholes or using more powerful instruments, such as
Section 311 of the Patriot Act, to deny Iranian banks access to the U.S.
financial system.
If such a strategy succeeds in bringing Iran to the table, it is important
that the United States and its allies set a timetable for negotiations.
Otherwise, the Iranians may seek to delay until they achieve a nuclear
weapons capability.
Fourth, so that Israel does not feel compelled to take unilateral action,
the next president must credibly convince Jerusalem that the United States
will not allow Iran to achieve nuclear weapons capability.
Fifth, while military action against Iran is feasible, it must remain an
option of last resort. If all other approaches fail, the new president would
have to weigh the risks of a failure to impede Iran's nuclear program
sufficiently against the risks of a military strike. The U.S. military is
capable of launching a devastating strike on Iran's nuclear and military
infrastructure -- probably with more decisive results than the Iranian
leadership realizes.
An initial air campaign would probably last up to several weeks and would
require vigilance for years to come. Military action would incur significant
risks, including the possibility of U.S. and allied losses, wide-scale
terrorist reprisals against Israel and other nations, and heightened unrest
in the region.
Both to increase our leverage over Iran and to prepare for a military
strike, if one were required, the next president will need to begin building
up military assets in the region from day one.
These principles are all supported unanimously by a politically diverse task
force that was assembled by the Bipartisan Policy Center. The group, which
includes former senior Democratic and Republican officials, retired
four-star generals and admirals, and experts in nuclear proliferation and
energy markets, offers a clear path for constructing an enduring, bipartisan
consensus behind an effective U.S. policy on Iran.
It is crucial that, immediately after Election Day, Congress and the
president-elect begin to work on the exceedingly difficult policy measures
that will be required if the United States is to prevent Iran from obtaining
nuclear weapons capability. Time may be shorter than many imagine, and
failure could carry a catastrophic cost to the national interest.
Daniel R. Coats, a former
Republican senator from Indiana, and Charles S. Robb, a former Democratic
senator from Virginia, are co-chairmen of the Bipartisan Policy Center's
national security task force on Iran.
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A Lesson to be
Learnt: the Baloch Perspective
By Juma Baloch ; 25/10/2008 ; balochwarna.com
There is no doubt that the
world has shrunk and has become a global village and many members of this
global community are facing similar problems. Some counties have willingly
or unwillingly chosen a path as a solution to their troubles, while others
have ignorantly adhered to their policy of denial and are facing turmoil.
Indonesia and Pakistan have many things in common; both the countries have a
Muslim majority, both gained their so-called freedom after the Second World
War, both have a history of occupying other nation's territory, both the
countries have been ruled for most of the time by military dictators and
both the countries' natural resources have been utilised for the benefit of
the dominant ruling nation.
Because of these similarities some Baloch intellectuals are trying to give
an impression that the Baloch nation is willing to solve their
dissatisfaction with Islamabad on the line of peace agreement between the
government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM)/ Aceh Sumatra
National Liberation Front (ASNLF), mediated by the former Finnish President
Martti Ahtisaari. Under the agreement, Aceh would receive special autonomy
and government troops would be withdrawn from the province in exchange for
ASNLF's disarmament.
When we, the Baloch look at the history of Indonesia, we need to ask
ourselves; with whom does our heart beat? With whom do our aspirations flow?
With whom our history has similarities? Before we jump to any conclusion or
suggest any solution to the Baloch question, we should acknowledge the
public opinion of our nation. We should know the dreams of our elders,
aspirations of our youth and hopes of our children. We should know the
objective condition that surrounds us and the strategic importance of our
land in the global war for energy.
Baloch nation has gone through a lot since March 23, 1948, when the Pakistan
army moved in and occupied Kalat, the capital of the free Balochistan. After
experiencing only 227 days of freedom in which we elected our representative
assembly and wrote a constitution as a free nation of this global village.
Pakistan's army trampled every thing under their boots - Baloch nation's
pride, freedom, representative assembly, constitution and mostly our mother
land and declared it a part of Pakistan. Similarly in 1975 East Timor lost
its freedom after being free for nine days from Portugal. The puppet regime
installed by Indonesia in East Timor, after its invasion, endorsed the
integration of East Timor into Indonesia. Thus, on July 17, 1976, East Timor
officially became the 27th province of the Republic of Indonesia.
Similarity between East Timor and Balochistan does not stop there, during
the time of their decolonization; cold war became a hurdle for both to
become a free nation. Washington expressed its concern over East Timor,
because Indonesia was an ally in its war in Vietnam and it did not want to
see the vast archipelago destabilized by a left-wing regime in its midst.
Gough Whitlam, Australia's Labor Prime Minister told Suharto that an
independent Portuguese Timor would be an unviable state, and a potential
threat to the stability of the region, and he considered integration with
Indonesia to be in Portuguese Timor's best interests. In Balochistan's case
a memorandum dated 12 September, 1947 was sent by the British Minster of the
state for the commonwealth relations to the United Kingdom High Commissioner
in Karachi in which he was asked to do what he could to guide the Pakistan
government away from making any agreement with Kalat which would involve
recognition of the state as a separate international entity.
The solution to Baloch national question can not be found confined to the
administrative boundaries defined by Pakistan. Baloch nation historically
never accepted the Goldsmith Line (1871) nor has it ever recognized the
Durand Line (1893), commissioned by the British Raj to stop the Russian
influence in the region. These artificial boundaries may have divided the
Baloch into separate states but could not stop them from considering
themselves a single nation. Today nobody can deny the strategic location of
the Baloch land for peace and economic stability in the region. Robert G.
Wirsing, in his article "Baloch Nationalism and the Geopolitics of Energy
Resources", wrote, "A sizable hint of energy's gathering importance to the
conflict in Balochstan was, of course, already apparent decades ago in the
pages of Harrison's book." If it were not for the strategic location of
Baluchistan and the rich potential of oil, uranium, and other resources,"
Harrison observed, "it would be difficult to imagine anyone fighting over
this bleak, desolate, and forbidding land." Shrinking of the energy
resources is the main factor in the instability of the world economy today,
and because of it, wars were waged to secure them. The vast amounts of
untapped fossil fuel reserves in Central Asia need to be channeled into the
world market to stabilize its demand. All the projects to channel Central
Asian fuel to the Arabian Sea or the IPI (Iran-Pakistan-India) gas pipeline
to India and China run through Balochistan. Unless there is peace in
Balochistan these projects will remain on paper. Even Pakistani writers like
Shaukat Qadir in his article, "Strategic significance of Balochistan",
accept the importance of Balochistan's strategic location. He wrote,
"Analysts have frequently adverted to Pakistan's ‘strategic location';
linking the Middle East via Iran, Central Asia, China, and South Asia. While
Balochistan provides the only direct link to Iran and onwards to the Middle
East, the truth is that without Balochistan, the remaining linkages that
Pakistan provides to other regions are reduced to less than half their
strategic value, since the only other port at Karachi could never handle the
magnitude of the potential commerce".
When the riches and the strategic importance of this land were not known to
the world. when it was only a "bleak, desolate, and forbidding land" the
Baloch nation called it its home. As a free nation it resisted domination
and occupation by the Afghans, Persians, British and Pakistan. The last one
hundred year history of Balochistan shows that it lost its freedom and was
occupied by foreign powers but these foreigners never ruled Balochistan
peacefully. Baloch politics has always been dominated by rebellions.
Intermittently there were times when the Baloch elders tried to negotiate
peace with the occupiers but it always left a bitter taste and a deep scar
in the collective memory of the Baloch nation. Khan Kalat Mir Mehrab Khan's
peace treaty with the British resulted in the martyrdom of Mir Mehrab Khan
and the occupation of Kalat. The outcome of Mir Dost Mohammed Baranzai's
peace negotiation with Reza Shah Pehlavi was the hanging of the Baloch
leader and the occupation of western Makuran by Iran. The outcome of Prince
Karim's acceptance for talks with Pakistan was a brutal crushing of the
movement and long prison sentences for the Baloch leadership. Peace, even in
the name of the Holy Quran could not change the fate of Nawab Nouroze Khan
and his sons. Negotiations with General Ayub Khan resulted in incarceration
and hanging of the Baloch leaders in Hyderabad and Sukker jails. Signing the
1973 Constitution of Pakistan by Mir Ghous Bux Bezinjo and Sardar Attaullah
Mengal did not stop the ban on NAP and the dissolution of Balochistan
Government followed by the military operation and the long term sentences in
Hyderabad Conspiracy Case.
The people of East Timor fought against the occupation by Indonesia for 24
years. There were times when many of the Timorese thought that it was a lost
cause, but Xanana Gusmão's Revolutionary Front of Independent East Timor (FRETILIN)
never surrendered its demand for freedom. FRETILIN resisted the invading
Indonesian army, suffering heavy losses at times; they retreated to the
mountains to keep the struggle alive. The East Timor Diaspora, scattered
around the world initiated a solidarity movement for East Timor which
initially faced lots of problems but ultimately they won the international
opinion in favour of East Timor. During the historical struggle for freedom
there were times when FRETILIN was very weak but it did not surrender its
demand for East Timor's freedom. FRETILIN never participated in any
elections held under the supervision of the occupier; it never accepted
Indonesia's occupation over East Timor. Both, the struggle inside East Timor
by FRETILIN and outside the country by Solidarity Movement for East Timor
brought the Indonesian government to its knees. Indonesia had no other
choice but to accept United Nation mediation. On 30th August 1999 referendum
was held under the supervisor of UN for East Timor self-determination.
Defying threats and intimidation by Indonesia's army and its East Timor
puppet pro-Indonesia militias, the majority of East Timorese voted for
freedom. On 20th May 2002 East Timor became an independent nation on the
world map.
History shows that Baloch nation's struggle for self-rule swung in different
extremes during the course of its history from provincial autonomy to
independence. Lacking political unity, wisdom and a clear vision persistent
with the genuine aspirations of our people, the leadership confused long
term objectives with short term gains and the nation suffered as a
consequence. This is the fifth time that the Baloch nation has picked up
arms to stop the military aggression of Pakistan, started 60 years ago,
which clearly indicates that all other means have failed to make the rulers
of Pakistan understand the realities of the Baloch nation. The recent revolt
that started in 2004 at Dera Bugti and Kohlu has now spread all over
Balochistan as a widely popular movement in the Baloch masses. Geopolitical
changes in the region, modern communication network and a stark awareness of
the fact that the Baloch as a nation faces the risk of being annihilated
from the face of the earth. No wonder this new phase of struggle in
Balochistan is popularly called the ‘Last War'.
Since the coming in power of the new so-called democratic forces in
Islamabad, hopes for peaceful resolution to the Baloch conflict are being
echoed from different quarters of the Baloch leadership. It should be clear
to the Baloch masses and its leadership that these new so-called democratic
forces are hand picked corrupt political managers of the old establishment
which started the aggression on Balochistan sixty year ago. Within six
months the new government installed in Islamabad had shown its ethical
bankruptcy. President Asif Ali Zardari, leader of this new regime
backtracked on his written agreement with his coalition partners saying,
"Written political agreements are not binding like the Koran". Those Baloch
leaders who think these new unprincipled corrupt political managers in
Islamabad are sincere in solving the Baloch question are either politically
naive or as devious as the new mouth organs of the old establishment, in
either case they are damaging the Baloch national movement.
This is the final call for the Baloch leaders who claim to be nationalists.
It's about time that they should get their act together and chalk out a
clear cut program as per the desire of the nation. We should learn from the
history of East Timor never to surrender our demand for freedom and keep the
struggle live at any cost. Until and unless the forces against our freedom
are brought to their knees, they will not accept our demand. It's not just
the question of the Pakistani army top brass and its handpicked politicians,
even the Pakistani intelligentsia is not yet ready to treat us the way
Indonesia is treating Ache people. Daily Times editorial dated, 6th August
2008, commenting on Sanaullah Baloch's article, A lesson to be learnt,
wrote, "One can say that Pakistan is in disarray today but it has not
reached the state of Indonesian collapse in 1999."And it continues, "It
would be extremely perverse to tell Mr Baloch that he may have to wait till
the state of Pakistan collapses as completely as Indonesia did in 1999
before Balochistan becomes another Aceh." Then it concludes, "Most
Pakistanis are favourably inclined to grant a lot more autonomy to the
provinces than is now granted in the Constitution." It is clear that they
are now willing to give us some sort of autonomy within the framework of the
interests of the dominant nation and save the army from complete
embarrassment, but not the status of Aceh, let alone complete freedom. It is
now up to our leadership what they want? Accept their perverse autonomy or
fight for a special autonomy like Aceh. In both the conditions, after all
these sacrifices, we will leave our nation at the mercy of Pakistan's
corrupt and brutal rulers who in the past never kept their promises or else
go for complete independence and gift our nation the freedom to choose their
own destiny.
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