حزب مردم بلوچستان  Balochistan People’s Party  بلوچستانءِ اُستمانءِ گــَل

 

 

Bomb Iran

WE MUST bomb Iran.

LA TIMES 11/19/2006
By Joshua Muravchik

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.

It has been four years since that country's secret nuclear program was brought to light, and the path of diplomacy and sanctions has led nowhere.

First, we agreed to our allies' requests that we offer Tehran a string of concessions, which it spurned. Then, Britain, France and Germany wanted to impose a batch of extremely weak sanctions. For instance, Iranians known to be involved in nuclear activities would have been barred from foreign travel — except for humanitarian or religious reasons — and outside countries would have been required to refrain from aiding some, but not all, Iranian nuclear projects.

But even this was too much for the U.N. Security Council. Russia promptly announced that these sanctions were much too strong. "We cannot support measures … aimed at isolating Iran," declared Foreign Minister Sergei V. Lavrov.

It is now clear that neither Moscow nor Beijing will ever agree to tough sanctions. What's more, even if they were to do so, it would not stop Iran, which is a country on a mission. As President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad put it: "Thanks to the blood of the martyrs, a new Islamic revolution has arisen…. The era of oppression, hegemonic regimes and tyranny and injustice has reached its end…. The wave of the Islamic revolution will soon reach the entire world." There is simply no possibility that Iran's clerical rulers will trade this ecstatic vision for a mess of Western pottage in the form of economic bribes or penalties.

So if sanctions won't work, what's left? The overthrow of the current Iranian regime might offer a silver bullet, but with hard-liners firmly in the saddle in Tehran, any such prospect seems even more remote today than it did a decade ago, when students were demonstrating and reformers were ascendant. Meanwhile, the completion of Iran's bomb grows nearer every day.

Our options therefore are narrowed to two: We can prepare to live with a nuclear-armed Iran, or we can use force to prevent it. Former ABC newsman Ted Koppel argues for the former, saying that "if Iran is bound and determined to have nuclear weapons, let it." We should rely, he says, on the threat of retaliation to keep Iran from using its bomb. Similarly, Newsweek International Editor Fareed Zakaria points out that we have succeeded in deterring other hostile nuclear states, such as the Soviet Union and China.

And in these pages, William Langewiesche summed up the what-me-worry attitude when he wrote that "the spread of nuclear weapons is, and always has been, inevitable," and that the important thing is "learning how to live with it after it occurs."

But that's whistling past the graveyard. The reality is that we cannot live safely with a nuclear-armed Iran. One reason is terrorism, of which Iran has long been the world's premier state sponsor, through groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah. Now, according to a report last week in London's Daily Telegraph, Iran is trying to take over Al Qaeda by positioning its own man, Saif Adel, to become the successor to the ailing Osama bin Laden. How could we possibly trust Iran not to slip nuclear material to terrorists?

Koppel says that we could prevent this by issuing a blanket warning that if a nuclear device is detonated anywhere in the United States, we will assume Iran is responsible. But would any U.S. president really order a retaliatory nuclear strike based on an assumption?

Another reason is that an Iranian bomb would constitute a dire threat to Israel's 6 million-plus citizens. Sure, Israel could strike back, but Hashemi Rafsanjani, the former president who was Ahmadinejad's "moderate" electoral opponent, once pointed out smugly that "the use of an atomic bomb against Israel would totally destroy Israel, while [the same] against the Islamic world would only cause damage. Such a scenario is not inconceivable." If that is the voice of pragmatism in Iran, would you trust deterrence against the messianic Ahmadinejad?

Even if Iran did not drop a bomb on Israel or hand one to terrorists, its mere possession of such a device would have devastating consequences. Coming on top of North Korea's nuclear test, it would spell finis to the entire nonproliferation system.

And then there is a consequence that seems to have been thought about much less but could be the most harmful of all: Tehran could achieve its goal of regional supremacy. Jordan's King Abdullah II, for instance, has warned of an emerging Shiite "crescent." But Abdullah's comment understates the danger. If Iran's reach were limited to Shiites, it would be constrained by their minority status in the Muslim world as well as by the divisions between Persians and Arabs.

But such ethnic-based analysis fails to take into account Iran's charisma as the archenemy of the United States and Israel and the leverage it achieves as the patron of radicals and rejectionists. Given that, the old assumptions about Shiites and Sunnis may not hold any longer. Iran's closest ally today is Syria, which is mostly Sunni. The link between Tehran and Damascus is ideological, not theological. Similarly, Iran supports the Palestinian groups Islamic Jihad and Hamas, which are overwhelmingly Sunni (and as a result, Iran has grown popular in the eyes of Palestinians).

During the Lebanon war this summer, we saw how readily Muslims closed ranks across the Sunni-Shiite divide against a common foe (even as the two groups continued killing each other in Iraq). In Sunni Egypt, newborns were named "Hezbollah" after the Lebanese Shiite organization and "Nasrallah" after its leader. As Muslim scholar Vali Nasr put it: "A flurry of anti-Hezbollah [i.e., anti-Shiite] fatwas by radical Sunni clerics have not diverted the admiring gaze of Arabs everywhere toward Hezbollah."

In short, Tehran can build influence on a mix of ethnicity and ideology, underwritten by the region's largest economy. Nuclear weapons would bring regional hegemony within its reach by intimidating neighbors and rivals and stirring the admiration of many other Muslims.

This would thrust us into a new global struggle akin to the one we waged so painfully with the Soviet Union for 40-odd years. It would be the "clash of civilizations" that has been so much talked about but so little defined.

Iran might seem little match for the United States, but that is not how Ahmadinejad sees it. He and his fellow jihadists believe that the Muslim world has already defeated one infidel superpower (the Soviet Union) and will in time defeat the other.

Russia was poor and weak in 1917 when Lenin took power, as was Germany in 1933 when Hitler came in. Neither, in the end, was able to defeat the United States, but each of them unleashed unimaginable suffering before they succumbed. And despite its weakness, Iran commands an asset that neither of them had: a natural advantage in appealing to the world's billion-plus Muslims.

If Tehran establishes dominance in the region, then the battlefield might move to Southeast Asia or Africa or even parts of Europe, as the mullahs would try to extend their sway over other Muslim peoples. In the end, we would no doubt win, but how long this contest might last and what toll it might take are anyone's guess.

The only way to forestall these frightening developments is by the use of force. Not by invading Iran as we did Iraq, but by an air campaign against Tehran's nuclear facilities. We have considerable information about these facilities; by some estimates they comprise about 1,500 targets. If we hit a large fraction of them in a bombing campaign that might last from a few days to a couple of weeks, we would inflict severe damage. This would not end Iran's weapons program, but it would certainly delay it.

What should be the timing of such an attack? If we did it next year, that would give time for U.N. diplomacy to further reveal its bankruptcy yet would come before Iran will have a bomb in hand (and also before our own presidential campaign). In time, if Tehran persisted, we might have to do it again.

Can President Bush take such action after being humiliated in the congressional elections and with the Iraq war having grown so unpopular? Bush has said that history's judgment on his conduct of the war against terror is more important than the polls. If Ahmadinejad gets his finger on a nuclear trigger, everything Bush has done will be rendered hollow. We will be a lot less safe than we were when Bush took office.

Finally, wouldn't such a U.S. air attack on Iran inflame global anti-Americanism? Wouldn't Iran retaliate in Iraq or by terrorism? Yes, probably. That is the price we would pay. But the alternative is worse.

After the Bolshevik takeover of Russia in 1917, a single member of Britain's Cabinet, Winston Churchill, appealed for robust military intervention to crush the new regime. His colleagues weighed the costs — the loss of soldiers, international derision, revenge by Lenin — and rejected the idea.

The costs were avoided, and instead the world was subjected to the greatest man-made calamities ever. Communism itself was to claim perhaps 100 million lives, and it also gave rise to fascism and Nazism, leading to World War II. Ahmadinejad wants to be the new Lenin. Force is the only thing that can stop him.
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Kurds could stabilize all Iraq

First published: Sunday, November 19, 2006
http://timesunion.com/

With Baghdad in the grip of chaos, the best Gen. John Abizaid, America's commanding general in the Middle East, can recommend for a long-term solution permitting a withdrawal of U.S. forces is building up the Iraqi army.

Trouble is that this approach has not worked for all the years it has been the bedrock of U.S. strategy. Recall President Bush's incantation that Americans would step down only as Iraqis stepped up.

The incessant and cruel bloodshed in Baghdad demands to be controlled and the Iraqi government has shown its incapacity to do so. Substantial U.S. reinforcements for the 141,000 troops in country are not a realistic prospect. The U.S. armed forces are stretched to their limit. In any event, many more Americans would not be welcomed by Iraqis.

Training of Iraqi army and police by the Americans has been extensive. The result has been to undermine its very purpose, unintentionally helping to strengthen sectarian Shiite militias, whose members have largely infiltrated the forces. Sunnis view both the police and army as mostly if not entirely doing the bidding of various Shiite factions. This contributes to the continuing rising slaughter of civilians and the steadily increasing American casualties from more frequent attacks.

In this crisis, which could in the worst case result in Iraq becoming a failed state, the U.S. should turn to the Kurds, who in their virtually autonomous enclave in northern Iraq have amassed a reputable and disciplined force of 60,000 to 100,000 men known as the Peshmerga.

Numbers of them have been trained over a dozen years or so by American instructors. During the American invasion they played a key role, taking control of the major northern cities of Mosul and Kirkuk.

In the past nearly four years of turmoil they have protected Iraqi Kurdistan as a haven safe enough to attract Iraqi Sunnis fleeing for their lives. Yet Kurdish troops have been largely limited in their operations by the U.S. to their three home provinces -- because of unease among Iraq's neighbors.

The Peshmerga could have greater credibility with both Shiite and Sunnis than either would have with forces mainly made up of members of the other's religious sect. Although the Kurds are Sunnis, they are not Arabs and have their own quarrel with Iraqi Sunnis. Under Saddam Hussein, Arab Sunnis were shipped wholesale to Kurdish areas to dilute Kurdish dominance in the oil-rich territory in the northern part of the country.

As to their relationship with the dominant Shiites, the Kurds share with them the distinction of having been the targets of Saddam's oppression. Up to 150,000 Kurds were killed by Saddam's minions.

Unlike the Sunnis and Shiites, the Kurds are strong supporters of the Americans, who sheltered them from Saddam's attacks since 1991 with a no-fly zone. That permitted the Kurds to establish self-rule and develop their cultural identity.

The Kurds are not the perfect solution, but they would be an immediately available stopgap to restore Baghdad, the epicenter of the various insurgencies, to a tolerable level of life. Their expanded role might serve to compel the necessary compromises to stabilize the country that the ineffectual al-Malaki government has been unable to undertake.
Employment of the Peshmerga, nominally a part of the national Iraqi army, outside of its home grounds would come with a cost. In Iraq itself, it likely would engender fears of the Kurds winding up in any eventual settlement with a greater share of the national pie -- meaning oil -- than their 4 million portion of the national population would warrant. Shiites are the most numerous, Sunnis the second most.

Iraq's neighbors, for their part, are what customarily is described as "restive" whenever Kurds are involved. That's because 41 percent of Kurds live in Turkey, which has fought a long intense battle to keep them from autonomy or secession.

That goes to a lesser degree for Syria, with 6 percent of the Kurds, and Iran, with 31 percent.

U.S. diplomacy would have to reassure the Turks, who are allies, that the wider employment of Kurdish troops, and perhaps additional training of more of them, would be strictly limited to containing the destabilization of Iraq, which also threatens Turkey.

As for the Syrians and Iranians, who are fishing in Iraq's troubled waters, the Kurds' wider deployment would serve as a warning to them to help facilitate compromise rather than continuing to encourage disorder in Iraq. Harry Rosenfeld is editor-at-large of the Times Union. He can be reached at 454-5450 or by e-mail at hrosenfeld@timesunion.com.

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USA interest in Iraq and Middle East

Tuesday, November 21, 2006
KurdishMedia.com - By Hamma Mirwaisi

I have read numerous articles recently written by analysts and political advisors regarding the US situation in Iraq. Each seems to have a different opinion on the correct course of action the US should take, but they are all lacking a comprehensive understanding of Iraq. I am an Iraqi immigrant who has been living in America for over 30 years. I have witnessed first hand the brutalities that Saddam’s regime afflicted on its own people. I am a naturalized US citizen and wish to thank the American people for their generosity in allowing me to come and live peacefully among them.

I would also like to express my opinion at this critical point with regard to our presence in Iraq. We must begin by remembering why we went there in the first place. Ruthless terrorists attacked us on September 11. Terrorists who attacked with no discrimination, who simply wanted to kill as many Americans as possible. At that time we knew that Saddam Hussein’s government in Iraq was in the process of developing very dangerous weapons and that he had have very close ties to many terrorist organizations in the area. It was a matter of common sense for the US to make every effort to stop Saddam and ensure that he would never be able to supply terrorists with weapons. Saddam had a proven history of using chemical and biological weapons (on his own people), he would have had no hesitation to use those same weapons on American people.

Now that we are in Iraq we need to understand the history of Iraq a little better. The Islamic army created the territory of Iraq when they invaded the existing Sasani Empire. With them they brought a large Arab population to settle in what is today known as Iraq. Baghdad was built by the Arab Abbasi Kalafat dynasty and has since become one of the battlegrounds between the Shiite and Sunni sects of Islam, through the Iranian Empire (Persian dominated Empire-claming Shiite sect of Islam) and Ottoman Empire (Turkish dominated Empire- claming Sunni sect of Islam) Arabs lost control of the Arab world including the Iraqi territory during that era. In 1900 the British Empire came along, the Arabs joined the British and gained back the Iraqi territory plus part of Kurdish land in Iraq and Syria.

Today that rift still remains. Iran would like to reclaim a portion of Iraq, which it believes was a part of the old Empire of Iran. Turkey would like to reclaim a portion of Iraq, which it believes was a part of the old Ottoman Empire. Both of these countries, plus the surrounding Arab countries are looking to claim Iraq as their own. If the US were to pull out of Iraq today the end result would be a large war in the region, which would destabilize most of the Middle East with the biggest loser being the Iraqi people.

Here is where I would like to express my opinion to the US Government. What we need to do in Iraq is sit down with the Shiite Arabs, Sunni Arabs and the Kurdish Leaders and be an honest broker. We must attempt to bring peace to the people of Iraq by explaining to them very carefully what is at stake for each of their communities.

1-For Arab Shiites in Iraq they need simply to look at their Arab brothers in the Khuzestan (Arab area in Iran) province of Iran to see how few rights they would have if they become incorporated into the new Persian Empire. Somebody should explain to Mr. Mugtada Sadar that the Shiite community in Iraq has suffered enough, let them have peace. Saddam once forcibly relocated many of them to Karkuk; they need not blindly follow the fanaticisms of the Dawa Party or Sadarism. That will bring more pain to Shiite community in Iraq. There must be some justice and concessions today when attempting to resolve the territory problems left by Saddam’s regime. They should continue to look forward and thank the US government and the American people a million times for the sacrifices they have made to liberate them from Saddam and his Bath party.

2- Sunni Arabs in Iraq can look back as well at the mischief caused under Saddam and his Bath Party against the Shiite Arab and Kurdish populations of Iraq. They should be apologizing to them for what their community did in Iraq for the last one hundred years, especially in the Saddam and Bath party era. Give up the crazy notion to unite the Arab world under Bath Ideology and Al-Qaida leadership. There is no way that the neighboring Arabs will want your leadership, instead focus on peace with your immediate countrymen - Shiite Arabs and Kurds.

3-The Kurds in Iraq are realistic and thankful to their liberators – the US Government and the people of the USA. They have shown forgiveness to Sunni Arabs and have been thus far very tolerant of the abuse they receive from Turkey. Their leadership has been honorable in its dealings such as protecting Iraqi Christians as well as Arabs who have fled from the violence in the middle and south of Iraq. The Kurdish people are the only ones in the region who have shown an honest alliance with the US Government. Hopefully this will be recognized by the US soon. In the meantime, they must do their best to fend off the constant threat of Iran and Turkey. Hopefully the international community and the UN will see these issues and help alleviate them soon so that the people may have peace.

In conclusion our country has a responsibility and an interest in a stable Middle East. I believe we should begin a slow withdrawal from the south and middle of Iraq and station our bases in the Kurdish northern cities of Karkuk and Mosel. This area is far more stable and safe and we would not be putting our beloved troops in harms way. We should have a training facility in the Kurdistan region to help Iraqi military work towards stabilizing the country before withdraw.

Hamma Mirwaisi is the President of the Alliance Investment Group, L.L.C. (AIG).
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Iran's defensive posturing

By Neda Bolourchi
http://www.atimes.com/
Middle East
Nov 22, 2006

Last week, Iran ended its third major military exercise of 2006. The stated purpose of the Great Prophet II exercises, held November 2-12, was to enhance the military's unified action capabilities.

The exercises involved air, land and naval maneuvers spread over 14 of the country's 30 provinces, but Major-General Yahya Rahim Safavi said they simultaneously focused "on the Persian Gulf and the Oman Sea". While the rhetoric surrounding the spring's Great

Prophet I games aimed to boost national prestige and buoy Iran's populace, the Islamic Republic engaged in the Force of Zolfaqar and Great Prophet II games primarily to deliver an external deterrence message.

The military drills
Highly publicized in the Islamic Republic, the Great Prophet I maneuvers merely served as a show of force in the Strait of Hormuz, the Persian Gulf's only gateway and vital supply route for 20% of the world's oil supply. As analysts dismissed Tehran's claims of highly developed technology equal to or surpassing that in the West, wide consensus arose that the demonstrated weapons systems were antiquated designs of Chinese, North Korean and Russian origin that pose no serious threat.

In contrast to the exaggerated claims made in the spring to boost Iranian morale during a crisis over its nuclear program, the Zolfaqar exercises underlined the Islamic Republic's defense capabilities. As such, many exercises focused on Iran's Persian Gulf coastline. However, with the increased rhetoric from the administration of US President George W Bush since spring, the Zolfaqar exercises not only used forces from traditional units, but tested new equipment.

For example, the operational appearance of the Sa'eqeh ("Thunderbolt"), an aging F-5 Freedom Fighter enhanced with a new dual vertical stabilizer, made bombing runs. While some of Tehran's claims were undercut, the demonstrations served to convey an indigenous industrial ability to alter major control surfaces on a supersonic aircraft. Analysts note that such a native industry arose in response to imposed sanctions and may result in unknown capabilities.

In addition, Defense Minister Mostafa Najjar stated that Iran successfully test-fired a bunker-buster, the Qassem ("Messenger"). Air Force General Amir Amini followed up by stating that the Qassem is "a flying bomb and can be used as a guided long-range air-to-surface missile". While reports regarding the bunker-buster remain unconfirmed, Iran added to its defensive stable by deploying transporter erector launchers with capabilities to pose a ready-fueled missile capable of rapid-reaction power.

Although some perceived Iran's growing capabilities as aggressive in nature, Major-General Ataollah Salehi declared that the Zolfaqar exercises served to implement a "new defensive doctrine". In emphasizing "Iran's friendly approach to the neighboring states, [Iranian leaders] believe that such war games are not considered a threat to the region". Salehi went on to say what has been repeated for decades: "Any threat facing the region is caused by extra-regional enemies."

With the increasing rhetoric against the Islamic Republic and the polyvocality of such discourse, Tehran moved from Zolfaqar's perimeter defense and coordination exercises to the Great Prophet II games. This has been an attempt to solidify such defensive coordination in rapid-response fashion so as to deliver messages to domestic and international audiences.

Over the course of the games, Tehran claimed it was deploying dozens of live rockets and missiles. Included was a Shahab-2 that for the first time used a cluster-munition warhead with up to 1,400 bomblets. In addition, the first firing of the medium-range (about 1,0001,200 kilometers) Shahab-3 in a live training exercise was announced. Other ballistic and artillery rockets used were the Zolfaqar-73, the Scud B, the Fath-110, and the Zelzal.

While noting that the exercises served as a response to US exercises in the Persian Gulf, the Israelis focused on the threat potential of Iranian missiles. Uzi Rubin, former head of Israel's anti-ballistic missile program, noted to journalists that "the intensity of the military exercises was unprecedented. It was meant to make an impression - and it made an impression ... [because the Iranians] were able to launch so many missiles."

Two days later, Safavi agreed. With the Shahab-3 capable of reaching Israel, Rubin pointed out that Israel's Arrow system successfully intercepted a simulated Shahab-3 missile in a test last December and that such a system had to be taken into account.

Tehran's motivations
Safavi announced the Great Prophet II exercises on November 1, a day after the completion of the US Navy-led "Leading Edge" joint exercise that included personnel from Australia, Bahrain, France, Italy, Qatar and the United Kingdom. The US 5th Fleet defines Leading Edge as part of the Proliferation Security Initiative in "response to the growing challenge posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, their delivery systems and related materials worldwide". The exercise in the Persian Gulf was the 25th since 2003 and the third in the region.

Despite claims by the US Navy that nations "are working absolutely together as a team", Iran saw the exercise as an additional tool of "propaganda and political maneuver without military value". In contrast, and given the lopsided number of participating versus observer countries in the exercises, Iran saw Leading Edge as part of the escalating dispute between the Bush administration and Iran over its nuclear program. In addition to seeking international sanctions, the US is seen as simultaneously applying pressure on Iran's trading partners, the populace, and the government.

In turn, Iranian leaders feel compelled to engage in brinkmanship with the US to avoid the appearance of weakness in domestic and international arenas. While psychological affirmation requires Tehran to counter US moves with those of its own, the Islamic Republic did conduct the Great Prophet II exercises with practical defense measures in mind.

Tehran's preparations
Iranian leaders did not expect n US frontal invasion even before the Democrats re-gained control of the US Congress and most certainly do not expect an air campaign after US citizens have demanded a course change for Iraq. Rather, the Iranians remain convinced that the United States will seek regime change through incrementally tougher sanctions imposed by the international community, fomenting ethnic and urban unrest, drawing Tehran concretely into Iraq, and possibly then conducting limited air strikes against military and/or nuclear facilities afterwards. The nomination of former Central Intelligence Agency director Robert Gates as defense secretary cements Iranian convictions regarding US tactics.

Responding to concerns regarding the effectiveness and efficiency of a military beset by divisions, the Iranians have moved to emphasize rapid deployment of various units simultaneously as a way to counter attempts at regime change.

Two factors have likely contributed to such an assessment: (1) the failure of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's army to stage a coup during the last days of prime minister Shapour Bakhtiar's government in 1979 because divisions could not enter major cities quickly and (2) Samuel P Huntington's political order theory, which is believed to be the cornerstone of US action and has caused riots in the minority provinces of Balochistan, Azerbaijan and Khuzestan over the past two years. In such a strategy, Tehran sees the US government operating from neighboring countries and either crossing the Iranian border or having co-opted Iranian dissidents in these peripheral provinces to set off bombs or cause riots.

In short, the chaos engulfing the periphery would cause the movement of millions to internal cities that would be infrastructurally unable to meet their needs. Chaos would ensue. Without order, mass mobilization would occur and thereby provide a mechanism for regime change. Despite the limited application and success of the theory, the Great Prophet II exercises convey that Tehran is not taking its control of the country for granted.

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An answer from Professor Noam Chomsky to Ahmad Reza Taheri

Baloch Academic Association
22-11-2006



انتقاد پروفسور نوام چامسکی، از احمد رضا طاهری

مقاله ای (انگلیسی) تحت عنوان: "حاکمیت جهانی: چه حکومتی شایسته آن است؟" توسط احمد رضا طاهری در ژورنال علوم انسانی آکادمیک بلوچ به چاپ رسید. این مقاله تا حدودی دیدی انتقادی بر کار تحقیقی پروفسور نوام چامسکی بنام: "کشورهای روگ" یا (کشورهایی که قانون بین الملل را زیر پا میگذارند)، است...

متن پایین پاسخ انتقادی پروفسور نوام چامسکی، استاد دانشگاه هارواد، به احمد رضا طاهری (طی ایی میلی) برای احمد رضا طاهری ارسال شده است، به این شرح:
 

This is an answer from Professor Noam Chomsky to Ahmad Reza Taheri, who has recently written an article based on “Rogue States,” a work conducted by Professor Noam Chomsky of Harvard University. The Article written by Ahmad Reza Taheri is: Global Sovereignty: Who deserves it?


Thanks for sending me the interesting article. The fundamental premise is Hobbesian in inspiration: that the world needs "an experienced global sovereign to look after and monitor other states so that would not allow other rogue states to commit whatsoever against her will and repeat the mistakes in which she herself had committed in the past."

I don't agree. The fundamental premise is, in my opinion, groundless. There are far better forms of social and political organization, domestically and internationally: the forms that were proposed and partially developed in the early post-war system, for example, torn to shreds primarily by the world's most powerful state, which, you argue (on premises that I think are untenable), should be the global sovereign.

On your assumption, if Nazi Germany had won the second world war, then we should support its claim to rule the world. It was by far the technologically most advanced power, was the center of the sciences, the arts, philosophy, the peak of western civilization, and having the won the war it would be the only choice to be the global sovereign. And the domestic analogue of your Hobbesian principle is that we should pick the most powerful and experienced person and make him dictator, so that he can guarantee order and ensure that his past crimes not be repeated. Perhaps the leading Mafia don, or a Hitler or a Stalin.

I do not really see much point to discussing the possibility that the Taliban, or Iraq, or Iran, or in fact any other state in the existing world or the world as it is likely to evolve as far as we can predict, might conceivably be a global sovereign. That abstracts much too far from reality, in my opinion.

Incidentally, you ignore quite a lot that is highly relevant. On the hideous crimes of Saddam, for example, you overlook the fact that they were quite consciously abetted by the United States, which precisely did want to murder people -- on both sides in fact. I also incidentally think your argument on intention is flawed, for reasons I have discussed in print. If we walk down the street knowing that we will crush ants, we do not intend to kill them, but we do not care because we regard them as less than human. The same is true when we carry out actions that are sure to kill many civilians, but who cares? Bombing slums in Panama for example (while sending in elite units on dangerous missions, some being killed, to pick up wanted targets in rich communities), or destroying half the pharmaceutical supplies in Sudan, knowing that tens of thousands will probably die (as they did), but who cares -- merely to take some of the minor footnotes to the crimes of the "experienced global sovereign." That raises a general moral issue: which stance is more grotesque, killing people intentionally (as when the US supplied its friend Saddam with armaments, including means to develop WMD), or killing them because we do not even regard them as human (the entire history of aspiring "global sovereigns," your candidate being the leading recent example). You regard intentional killing as worse than killing because we regard the victims as sub-human. That is dubious, to say the least.

I wish I had time to discuss this further, but I am afraid I do not. I spend many hours a day responding to questions and queries, and much as I'd like to, cannot become involved in lengthy discussions.

Noam Chomsky
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The Shameless Persian Media

22-11-2006
By Walid
http://gedrosia.blogspot.com/
 

We all have witnessed and or have seen the reports of daily occurrences of crimes against the minorities in Iran by the government which include killing of innocent and suspects by firing, hanging and other unlawful methods. The news of the most of these atrocities have reached world media one way or the other, but, unfortunately, the western run Persian news services such have been blind and deaf.

It is understandable why the opposition Persian media do not report on such matters but international and impartial sources such as BBC Persian, VOA Persian, Radio Farda Persian and others have also been totally ignorant of the said incidents.

To draw the attention of BBC over the matter I have written the following open letter, a copy of which has been sent to the managing director of the BBC.

 


Managing Director
BBC World Service

Dear Sir,

I am writing to you draw your attention that BBC Persian Service is continuously ignoring reports of atrocities committed against linguistic and religious minorities in Iran by the establishment of the country.

As a license payer I request to you to remind the relevant employees working in Persian Service once again of their true responsibilities which should be reporting on the news developments impartially. Their responsibility should not be keeping the Persian chauvinism alive instead they should also report their atrocities against the Baloch, Arabs and Kurds.

As an example I would like to draw your attention towards a recent demonstration held outside Iranian Embassy in London in which many Iranian Arabs, Baloch, and Kurds had participated and were voicing against unlawful hangings of their people, but I witnessed no reporting on the matter at all.

I thank you in advance and hope to see positive changes in Persian Service of the BBC.

Yours Sincerely

Walid

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A glimpse of Balochistan history

By: Hushang Brahovi (Ulus Pahrai)
Translator: Walid Garboni
25-11-2006
Gedrosia


Before everything else it is necessary to be mentioned that by creating Iran England and other western countries in 1925 occupied all the Middle Eastern countries.

Had Iran not been created, the US and European counties did not have influence in many Middle Eastern countries nor Pakistan was created. The Middle Eastern counties which were together under Osmania rule for so many years, as the result of English politics, as from after 1925 they started disintegrating. When many Arabs comprehended that the policies of England were resulting the partition of their territories on one hand and on the other Israel was being strengthened against them; a nationalist movement took shape from Arab counties such as Egypt, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Algeria, Morocco, Lebanon etc. This was named the “BA’AS” movement.

The fears from this Arab nationalist movement, the USSR and the freedom struggle of India forced the western powers to create a Pakistan and further strengthen Iranian regime. Thereafter, Iran emerged as a major buffer-zone for the US and Europe After creation of this buffer zone they utilized guarantees for safe passage of oil and other trades to and from the region. I have written an article in Farsi explaining the creation of Iran which is available here http://www.tribun.com/1100/1128.htm.

At the same time the US and other western countries with the help of CIA’s secret activities were actively demonizing Iran by putting all the blames of their atrocities against Arabs on Iran in order to generate Arab anger against Iran.

Though there was no hostility between Iran and Iraq before, westerners encouraged Iraq with the blessing of other Arab countries to staged a bloody war against Iran that continued for over eight years and hundred of thousands people were killed. -The apparent quarrel was over Shat-al-Arab which had this name for over 15 centuries, but around 1966-67 Iran named it as Arvand River in her geographical maps- During this war westerners earned billions of dollars by selling weaponries to both Iran and Iraq.

The westerns have always been trying to cause disunity amongst the Middle Eastern countries in order to sustain their political and economical grip on them; many potential profit making issues still exist which are waiting ignition. Examples: The Basra gulf has been known by this name since over 1600 years, however, westerners are naming it controversially; the Persian Gulf in some of their maps and in the others the Arabic Gulf. Bu-Musa Island which Iran occupied with western help is another looming profitable issue that waits westerners’ triggering.

The US presence in Iraq has finally brought to Arabs realization that Iran carries greater danger for them than Israel, but time does not reverse for the Arabs to undo their mistakes. What needs observing now is whether Balochistan, Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, Turkmenistan and Al-Ahwazians are encouraged to disintegrate from Iran and gain independence for themselves and rest of the region?

By adding above I aim to make the point that the unfortunate birth of Iran has been one of the main fiascos which dispossessed Balochistan from her independence. And until Iran disintegrated including Balochistan many other nations are not likely to achieve their independence.

Here I make an effort to forward a fraction of Balochistan’s history:

Since more than 4000-9000 years Baloch had their governing rule known as Pishdadiyan destiny. Pishdadi was a Baloch destiny who was responsible to maintain law and order in those days. They spoke a language more or less same as today’s Balochi. History indicates Raxshaan, Xaraan and Nimrouz their area of living. Newly discovered Burnt City which is located in the same area was also part of their territory. There are indications that Pishdadian culture was extended up to Sabzwaaran (Jiroft). -Jiroft is a Baloch area located towards the west from the said areas- Archaeological findings about Babylon (Iraq) indicate that they also were influenced by the Pishdadians croft work and culture. The Babylon history is estimated around 7000 years and similar finding that were discovered in Babylon have been found in Balochistan and they are estimated as 7000-9000 years old.

As we know that Baloch themselves have never been tracing their history, Iran and Pakistan have either been covering up all the historical facts about Baloch or they have added them to their own fabricated histories. With in last 10 years some well known historians have uncovered the fallacious Iranian history and found that historical teachings in Iranian institutions have been totally unauthentic.

After the Pishdadians, Kianian era started in Balochistan and this was around 2600-4000 years ago. They also originated from Nimrouz, Shall (Quetta) and Raxshaan. The Kianian rule extended towards Zabolistan (located in Afghanistan; west of Kandahar and a pashtun territory). A Book on Kianian history called Hoda Naamah explained this. However, only five pages of Hodaa Naamah are left today and they are with an Indian individual in India.
-My research and observations about Shahnamah of Ferdousi conclude that Ferdousi had Hodaa Naamah in his possession and reproduced great deal from this book onto Shanameh and replaced Baloch’s name with Arian and Persian. Hodaa Naamah’s mysterious disappearance occurred during Ferdousi’s time. There is possibility that he destroyed Hodaa Naamah by himself to hide the facts. Since I do not consider Ferdousi’s stories reliable, therefore, I ignore Rostam and all of that written about him by Fedousi-

The head of Kianian destiny was Geshtaaseb. One day an interesting man enters his durbar (the historians indicate this location around Quetta) with some interesting philosophy whom Geshtaab likes and invites the man stay there. He later becomes famous and be known as Zoroaster. In my opinion Zoroaster has been a selective and genius man. A book remains from Zoroaster is called Avesta with Zoroastrian philosophy which has many followers in Pars, India and the west even today. There are Zoroastrians remain at a location in Pirsouran Mountain Range of Balochistan. _ people in Sarhai; especially Somalzahi are requested to protect our elders from some narrow minded ill intentioned people-

The last of Kianain rulers were Ashkanian (Ashekzahis) who spoke Balochi with no difference than Balochi spoken today. There are some writings on the grave stones of Asheghbus which are 100% in Balochi. –The grave is located in Turkmen Sehra within the ‘Kaus Dome’ City- The dress conduct of Baloch during Ashkanis was no different than that of today.

The Ashkanian rulers are famous for their justice and humanity in history. It was during the reign of these Baloch when many Baloch town and cities were built and trades between India, China and some western countries got to its full bloom; to an extend that it was this time when Silk Way was constructed by Indians with the help of Ashkani Baloch.

History and the archeological facts indicate that Ashkanians were not engage in any war. Instead others were impressed by the Baloch civilization and adopted some of their norms and came under their reign. Some of the Balochi words found in other languages such as Kurdish and Gilaki are believed to have been adopted during the Ashkanians.

Around 2500-2550 years ago a nomad Nation called Arian lived between Khorasan and Tajikistan of today. They used to attack the traders passing through the Silk Way and robbed them from time to time. The history named their gang leader as Zahaak Mardush. Ashkani Baloch and Chinese forces attacked these Arians and drove them out of the area. Subsequently the Arians befriended with Turks and Mongols and manage to create a flotilla which attacked and looted towns and cities and displace many people along the way. Arians later tried to bring the people under their flag and implement Zoroastrianism. This new politics was introduced by one of their leaders called Haxaa who thereafter became known as Haxaamaneshians. History indicates that as from Haxaas onward religion and philosophy were mixed with each other and any attack or incursion that occurred was in the name of religion. This resulted Baloch retreating to their own territory and lived disconnected from other nations. Complains of Haxaas reached Alexander the Great who himself was a war adventurer. He attacked Haxaa-Mongols and destroyed them. Alexander’s army advanced further and subjugated India. During many years of Alexander’s rule he imposed a 10% tax on many of the eastern nations.

When Alexander died the Haxaas faced civil wars, finally Sasaanians destiny of Mongols-Arians founded their reign. As per their tradition they learned some war techniques from Romans and created an army. Through out their time the Sasaanians attacked and looted other nations and no nation was safe from their aggression. They also attacked Baloch many times and killed and imprisoned many women and children who never retuned.

When Islam emerged, this resulted uniting all Arabs on one platform. The Arabs in response to Sasaanain aggressions sent messages of peace, but peace was not Sasaanians way of government, they were used to aggressions. Living in peace was out of question for them. When Omar became the Arab Caliph, Seyahsawar Baloch sent a message of friendship to Omar. This was welcomed by Arabs as they wanted to defeat the Arian-Mongol or Sasaanains. The Arab army from the west and Baloch from the south attacked the Sasaanains and eliminated the Mongol-Arians permanently.

Thereafter, Seyahsawar settled in Syria with his armada, but not many years had passed by before Caliph Ali’s sons’ conflict for power with Mo’avia’s sons started. This resulted discomfort for Baloch in Syria and they returned to their homeland Balochistan. There are indications the time of this migration from Baloch as said in Balochi folk poetry such as in Rendaani Shayr is unfounded because this incident is not older than 550-600 years, however, Baloch returned from Syria around 1390-1400 hundred years ago. –Some Baloch remained in Syria who now live near Shaam City-

Arabs ruled over non-Arabs for centuries and during their rule Baloch were also safe from Mongol-Arian aggressions. But since Arabs demonstrated weakness during their rulings Mongol-Arians intimates once again emerged on the surface and started antagonism against others again. Mongol-Arian attacks on India namely Homayun and Baabar period remains a bad chapter of history. Naader, Ghajar, Reza Khan Mirpanj and Khomaini blackened the face of humanity with their atrocities committed against Baloch during their attacks on Balochistan.

Though the burden of atrocities and injustices linger on Arian-Mongols and they remain guilty of their crimes, they still continue to follow the foot steps of their Sasaanian ancestors by oppressing nations like Baloch, Kurd, Arabs, Azeri, Turkmen and Lors.

England rulers understood the Mongol-Arians attitudes very well that is why English have became an ally with them. Whatever conspiracy theory westerners create for their own benefit and the Arian-Mongols become the instruments of it application. Chauvinism is the Arian-Mongol tradition. Since the time when Ashkanains were defeated by them they have eagerly sought diminishing many decent traditional norms of many nations. The Punjab is one of the establishments which have been led towards chauvinism.

If the west; England in particular, Pars (Arian-Mongols) and Punjabi establishments are normal and don’t wish to continue their injustices on other nations they have to prove that by allowing Baloch nation regain independence and live in peace and harmony with the rest of the world.

Long live Balochistan

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Iran and Syria Helping Hezbollah Rearm

Sat. 25 Nov 2006
Time

As Lebanon's government tries to maintain its shaky grip on power, sources tell TIME that Tehran and Damascus are shipping weapons to the militant Shi'ite group

By Elaine Shannon / Washington and Time McGirk/Beirut

Nov. 24 - Iran is smuggling weapons through Syria to re-arm Lebanese allies Hezbollah, despite renewed efforts by United Nations peacekeepers and the Lebanese army to seal off the mountain borders with Syria in the wake of last summer's war between the Shi'ite militia and Israel, according to reports by Saudi and Israeli intelligence sources that have been confirmed by western diplomats in Beirut.

Israeli military officials in Tel Aviv say that Hezbollah replenished nearly half of its pre-war stockpiles of short-range missiles and small arms.

But western diplomats in Beirut say these calculations under-estimate the weapons flow and that Hezbollah has now filled its war chest with over 20,000 short-range missiles—a similar amount to what they had at the start of the conflict, during which the group is believed to have fired over 3,000 rockets at Israel. "The Iranian pipeline through Syria was already working during the war," despite constant Israeli bombing raids on the roads into Lebanon from Syria, this Beirut source said.

Officially, Syria and Iran deny that they're supplying weapons to Hezbollah. As for the Shi'ite group itself, when asked about receiving a new shipment of arms from Syria and Iran, a spokesman told TIME, without elaborating, "We have more than enough weapons if Israel tries to attack us again."

Over the past three months, according to a knowledgeable Saudi source, Iranian Revolutionary Guard officers have been operating out of a military base on the outskirts of Damascus. The Iranian government has dispatched shipments of small arms and what appear to be missile components to this military base, according to the source.

From the secret base, weapons have been shipped by truck across the border into Lebanon. Western diplomats say that the Lebanese army has posted over 8,000 troops along the border, forcing smugglers to use mountain passes instead of the heavily-monitored crossing on the main Beirut-Damascus road.

The Saudis, in particular, are alarmed at Iran's spreading influence in Lebanon. "There has been a serious increase in (Iranian and Syrian) activity in the rearming of Hezbollah," says Nawaf Obaid, a Saudi security advisor who is managing director of the Riyadh-based Saudi National Security Assessment Project, a consulting group that advises the Saudi government. Obaid contends that "a huge stream of trucks" has been crossing the border from Syria into Lebanon, ferrying thinly disguised shipments of arms.

Moreover, Obaid says, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) are using the Iranian embassies in Damascus and Beirut as command and control centers -- an allegation that was also confirmed to TIME by Israeli military sources. Obaid says there appear to be direct communications links between the Iranians and Hezbollah, via Hezbollah officers working inside the Iranian embassy in Beirut, and Iranian officers in the field with Hezbollah fighters; in the past, some Middle East analysts have rejected the popular notion that Hezbollah takes direct orders from Iran.

Iran's apparent efforts to destabilize Lebanon and to expand Shi'ite influence in Iraq and throughout the region are of major concern to the Saudi government, a leading power in the Sunni Muslim world that presumably would like to see the U.S. take a more active stance in Lebanon against its regional rivals. Obaid says that when Vice President Cheney visits King Abdallah bin Abd Al Aziz Al Saud Saturday in Riyadh, the Saudi king is expected to tell Cheney that "the Saudi leadership will not and cannot allow Iran, through Syria and Hezbollah, to bring down the Lebanese government and overtake the levers of power in Beirut." Obaid says the Saudi king is also expected to discuss with Cheney the kingdom's worries about Iranian activity in Iraq and the Palestinian territories as well as its alliance with Syria.

All of the Iranian and Syrian activity is taking place against the backdrop of growing instability within Lebanon's government and Saturday's upcoming vote among government ministers to bring the assassins of the late Prime Minister Rafik Hariri before an international tribunal -- a process that is expected to implicate high-level Syrian officials. Hezbollah pulled out of the country's coalition government recently after its push for greater representation was rebuffed; many observers viewed the push for effective veto power as motivated by its concern that prime minister Fouad Siniora would try to begin the process of Hezbollah's disarmament that was reaffirmed in the UN-brokered ceasefire that ended this summer's war. Moreover, some politicians in Beirut suspect that the assassination of Industry Minister Pierre Gemayel on Tuesday was plotted by Syria to scare cabinet ministers into voting against the international probe into Hariri's death by a massive truck bomb (other analysts argue the predictable fallout from the killing just ahead of such a crucial vote is precisely why Syria would not have ordered it). Saad Hariri, the prime minister's son and a supporter of the current government, told TIME, "Syria is waging a campaign of intimidation and assassinations to stop the tribunal."

If the Lebanese government approves of the tribunal, it will then go to the United Nations, which could slap an embargo on Syria. This process will drag on for months before it wends its way into the UN Security Council. Moreover, such a confrontational approach would run counter to the expected recommendation of the Iraq Study Group, commissioned by the White House, to engage with Syria. But after the assassination of Pierre Gemayel the notion of US talks with Syria may be off the table, at least for the moment.

- with additional reporting by Aaron J. Klein/Tel Aviv and Timothy J. Burger/Washington
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A discussion between Prof. Chomsky and Ahmadreza Taheri about Rogue States/Global Sovereignty

Baloch Academic Association
28-11-2006

 

مناظره  پروفسور  نوام چامسکی، از استادان برجسته و معروف دنیا  دانشگاه هاروارد، با احمد رضا طاهری دانشجوی دکترای تخصصی علوم سیاسی دانشگاه پونا.  

پروفسور  نوام چامسکی، تحقیقی تحت عنوان "حکومتهایی که قانون و حقوق بین الملل را زیر پا میگذارند"، انجام داده اند... http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/articles/z9804-rogue.html

احمد رضا طاهری، اخیرا مقاله ای تحت عنوان "حاکمیت جهانی: چه حکومتی شایسته آن است؟"http://www.balochacademist.blogfa.com/cat-37.aspx

از پروفسور نوام چامسکی در مقاله خود انتقاد کرده اند... متن کامل مناظره (به زبان انگلیسی) به این شرح است:

 

Prof. Chomsky: Thanks for sending me the interesting article.  The fundamental premise is Hobbesian in inspiration: that the world needs "an experienced global sovereign to look after and monitor other states so that would not allow other rogue states to commit  whatsoever against her will and repeat the mistakes in which she herself had committed in the past."

I don't agree.  The fundamental premise is, in my opinion, groundless.  There are far better forms of social and political organization, domestically and internationally: the forms that were proposed and partially developed in the early post-war system, for example, torn to shreds primarily by the world's most powerful state, which, you argue (on premises that I think are untenable), should be the global sovereign.

On your assumption, if Nazi Germany had won the Second World War, then we should support its claim to rule the world.  It was by far the technologically most advanced power, was the center of the sciences, the arts, philosophy, the peak of western civilization, and having the won the war it would be the only choice to be the global sovereign.  And the domestic analogue of your Hobbesian principle is that we should pick the most powerful and experienced person and make him dictator, so that he can guarantee order and ensure that his past crimes not be repeated.  Perhaps the leading Mafia don, or a Hitler or a Stalin.

 Ahmadreza Taheri: Fine, better forms of social and political organization?! If such forms are better, why then, have not replaced the existing global political system?! They might be suitable domestically, however, not internationally, because may divert the “national interest” of states, particularly, of superpowers from their major goals, otherwise, why don’t they spring up again?

Further, regarding Nazi Germany?  Well, my idea about “an experienced global sovereign” does not end where you reacted, if we go further down in my article, we will come across “an experienced global sovereign of the contemporary period which certainly does not only possess of a mere military power to use always force and violence, rather possessed of a power in the field of logic, with a better degree of rationality who knows better than others, what is what.” Whereas, Nazi Germany lacked this particular element, that is why, it failed. If, in case, tomorrow America encounters with the similar fate that faced by Nazi Germany, or Soviet Union that ended up in its disintegration, then obviously, that can be indicative of America’s own lack of efficient political thought and theory.

By an experienced global sovereign, I do not mean a mere global dictator, rather, a rational and advance global power in all respects. Today, among the various countries of the world the most advance state is America, however, it is relative, and not absolute, but can we find another better alternative? In your “Rogue States,” you have pointed out that it is for the Security Council to decide such and such issues, but the question then comes who has/have masterminded Security Council. Are not they the very western powers?

Besides that, I do not favor what Hobbes commented on absolute sovereign, rather have just made an analogy between the “old national sovereign” of Hobbes, and “global sovereign” of the modern world, which is a mere explanation. However, as repeated earlier, I believe that an old national sovereign of Hobbes lacks the current skill, rationality, and flexibility in which possessed by global sovereign of today.  The difference between Nazi Germany and the USA is that USA is a flexible and intelligent global dictator, whereas, Nazi Germany was a dogmatic and strict dictator --- Among many vital factors for the political survival of states (as you know well) one factor is the element of flexibility in international politics. 

Prof. Chomsky: I do not really see much point to discussing the possibility that the Taliban, or Iraq, or Iran, or in fact any other state in the existing world or the world as it is likely to evolve as far as we can predict, might conceivably be a global sovereign.  That abstracts much too far from reality, in my opinion.

Ahmadreza Taheri: In this regard, I do agree with you, and what I wrote in my article is a kind of hypothesis that if e.g. Taliban comes to that stage to monitor the international politics, then imagine what may come (taking into consideration their typical ideology that inspired their practices at home), and why they cannot come to that high stage, because of their superficial and weak political vision, as well as, presence of stronger political actors.

Prof. Chomsky: Incidentally, you ignore quite a lot that is highly relevant.  On the hideous crimes of Saddam, for example, you overlook the fact that they were quite consciously abetted by the United States, which precisely did want to murder people -- on both sides in fact.

Ahmadreza Taheri: I have not overlooked this bitter reality, and also have no doubt in it. In fact, this is what that motivates me to think that leaders like Saddam Hussain are much more dangerous than Bush, simply because, they can easily fall into the hands of superpowers and play puppet role even to sacrifice their own citizens or subjects for their own personal interest. But, how many of United State’s presidents were abetted by foreign factors to sacrifice or murder their own citizens?! 

Prof. Chomsky: I also incidentally think your argument on intention is flawed, for reasons I have discussed in print.  If we walk down the street knowing that we will crush ants, we do not intend to kill them, but we do not care because we regard them as less than human.  The same is true when we carry out actions that are sure to kill many civilians, but who cares?  Bombing slums in Panama for example (while sending in elite units on dangerous missions, some being killed, to pick up wanted targets in rich communities), or destroying half the pharmaceutical supplies in Sudan, knowing that tens of thousands will probably die (as they did), but who cares -- merely to take some of the minor footnotes to the crimes of the "experienced global sovereign." That raises a general moral issue: which stance is more grotesque, killing people intentionally (as when the US supplied its friend Saddam with armaments, including means to develop WMD), or killing them because we do not even regard them as human (the entire history of aspiring "global sovereigns," your candidate being the leading recent example).  You regard intentional killing as worse than killing because we regard the victims as sub-human.  That is dubious, to say the least.

Ahmadreza Taheri:  agreed, but, if we start thinking like that then we must not move, and stop where we are. Then, we must not kill or sacrifice animals or any living being for our own first basic and vital needs e.g. food.  This is the philosophy of life: wild animals kill domestic animals for nutrition, we too kill animals for nutrition, and natural phenomenon like Tsunami and floods kill men unknowingly. As we crush ants while walking happily, nature crushes us. The world is constantly changing and in this process things, people, etc can place either into the elimination process or into production process --- some thing quite natural, though, sad.

US supplied its friend Saddam with armaments, including means to develop WMD. That is correct, and that is all about politics (political games) that differentiated men from other creatures, and thus I agree with you. But, every state is searching for its own interest and it is not the case with the USA alone, let me remind you to see the other side of the coin --- how much benefit global community got from western powers, and how much it got from non-western states? Let’s also account for positive developments…!

Any way, for all that, I do not defend America, but I am just saying that it is reality, and we can change this reality, but, for time being it is there, and can’t be altered in the near future, that is what I mean, and every development in the universe has two sides --- its negative aspects and positive aspects. That is some thing which programmed by nature.

Prof Chomsky: I wish I had time to discuss this further, but I am afraid I do not.  I spend many hours a day responding to questions and queries, and much as I'd like to, cannot become involved in lengthy discussions.

Ahmadreza Taheri: I am indeed very grateful to you for your kind attention and remarks.